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The Eagle Ford fields in South Texas increased oil production fourfold in the first ten months of 20 I 0 gastritis wiki buy omeprazole visa. Drilling is well under way in Pennsylvania gastritis diet ginger discount 20 mg omeprazole fast delivery, where 141,000 new jobs in the "gas patch" have been created in the last few years. New York has declined to accept its energy wealth and instead imposed a de facto moratorium on fracking, pending the completion of an environmental-impact statement- thus deferring the creation of hundreds of thousands of high-paying jobs. Geological Survey estimated that the Bakken contained up to 4 billion barrels of technically recoverable oil. Oil production made possible by fracking is not now as prodigious as that of natural gas, but this could change, especially if the federal government allows oil-shale development in the Rocky Mountain West, where 70 percent of recoverable oil shale lies beneath federal land. Most of the currently surging oil and gas production is on private land, where federal permission is not required and state governments are supportive. They claim that the technology may transform the water from your faucet into fire, make your house explode, cause earthquakes, or poison you with toxic chemicals. The narrator explains that the fracking process "blasts a mixture of water and chemicals 8,000 feet into the ground. The hydraulic fracturing, in fact, creates small fissures with an average thickness of I millimeter- as a result not of blasts, but of carefully engineered electric pulses. As mentioned above, the fracking material is a mix of water, trace chemicals, and sand. The list of environmental perils attributed to hydraulic fracturing is long: contamination of drinking water, wastewater pollution of rivers, groundwater depletion, air emissions of toxic pollutants and greenhouse gases, radiation, and even earthquakes. But, with the exception of groundwater depletion, no causal connection between hydraulic fracturing itself and any of these environmental problems has been demonstrated. Faulty well construction, breaches in cemented and heavysteel-encased wellbores, and accidents could, of course, lead to adverse environmental impacts. Migration of contaminants from an oil or gas well often over a mile deeper is practically impossible. The Society of Petroleum Engineers estimates that over the last 60 years, more than I million oil and gas wells in the U. At a televised press conference, Armendariz claimed he had to act fast because two houses could explode at any moment. In fact, Lipsky and the owner of the other house had disconnected their drinking-water well from their houses, eliminating any potential that methane in the water might, under pressure in the water pipes, cause explosions in the houses. Extensive testing proved that the natural gas produced by Range Resources had a different chemical signature than that of the natural gas wV. Local water-well drillers and residents testified that there always had been noticeable natural gas in the wells. Air emissions from drilling sites have been the most persistent public concern in the Barnett shale area. Studies by the Texas Department of Health and the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality have confirmed that the emissions do not exceed levels protective of human health, but this conclusion has not allayed public fears because one of the pollutants involved is benzene- a widely known carcinogen at certain levels and exposures. In fact, the monitored benzene levels attributed to natural-gas drilling in the Barnett shale are not harmful to human health, but, pressured by state legislators, the usually pragmatic state environmental regulators adopted a I,000-page rule imposing onerous controls on the drilling sites that would be more appropriate for a large refinery. The one credible concern is the extremely high volume of water used in the fracking process. Draw down of aquifers used for drinking water occurred in the Haynesville shale area in Louisiana, but the problem was resolved by shifting to water sources not used for drinking. Methods are now under development to reduce freshwater use by recycling wastewater after treatment. Headlines claim that Duke University researchers "prove[d]" that hydraulic fracturing in Pennsylvania has contaminated domestic water wells with high levels of methane. Even the relatively cautious Wall Street Journal reported on May l 0 that the study shows that fracking "appears to be allowing potentially explosive methane gas to seep into drinking-water wells. It found a correlation between proximity to drilling activity and higher levels of methane in water wells, but did not attribute this to subsurface migration of natural gas from hydraulic fractures. The authors also acknowledged that methane is naturally present in almost every private well used for drinking water, livestock water, and irrigation in the region. Geologists point out that comparatively higher levels of methane are usually found in the soil and groundwater of areas with oil and natural-gas resources. A congressional hearing held in May revealed fatal flaws in what was supposed to be a definitive, vigorously peer-reviewed study. Under the current administration, industry experts, like highly credentialed professors of petroleum engineering, are assumed to be shills for greedy enterprises.

And when once the control of industry by big business was certain through consolidation and manipulation that included both North and South gastritis alcohol purchase omeprazole 20 mg with visa, big business shamelessly deserted gastritis diet jokes discount 20mg omeprazole with mastercard, not only the Negro, but the cause of democracy; not only in the South, but in the North. To the leaders of the Republican revolt of 1872, big business offered law and order, greater efficiency of the "business man in politics" and security of salaries and investment. To the insurgent West, it offered combinations which would give lower railway rates, wider and better markets and rising land values. To the South, it offered the withdrawal of the national army and the restoration of political control to property. When the old Democratic party secured a majority in Congress in 1874, the majority sat under the dictatorship of big business. Forms of democratic government went on but they were almost fantastic in their travesty on real popular control. Those who still believed in democracy came to the rescue and saw salvation, in the North as in the South, in unito groups and governments have - versal suffrage. In the South universal suffrage could not function without personal freedom, land and education, and until these institutions were real and effective, only a benevolent dictatorship in the ultimate interests of labor, black and white, could establish democracy. In the North, democ- racy ceased to function because of corruption and bribery, the open buying of elections, low and selfish ideals, and officials chosen to misgovern in the interest of industrial freebooters. The party of democracy saw salvation in increased freedom of industrial competition through the uprooting of tariff-nurtured monopoly and civil service reform which would replace knavery and selfishness by character and ideal in public office; then, with an electorate of growing intelligence, democracy would truly function. But the electorate, despite schools and churches, was not intelligent; it was provincial and bigoted, thinned by poverty-stricken and ignorant peasant laborers from abroad, and impregnated with the idea that individual wealth spelled national prosperity and particularly with the American assumption of equal economic opportunity for all, which persisted in the face of facts. Only a vast and single-eyed dictatorship of the nation could guide us up from murder in the South and robbery and cheating in the North into a nation whose infinite resources would be developed in the interest of the mass of the nation that is, of the - laboring poor. But the object of this new American industrial empire, so far as that object was conscious and normative, was not national well-being, but the individual gain of the associated and corporate monarchs through the power of vast profit on enormous capital investment; through the efficiency of an industrial machine that bought the highest managerial and engineering talent and used the latest and most effective methods and machines in a field of unequaled raw material and endless market demand. That this machine might use the profit for the general weal was possible and in cases true. But the uplift and well-being of the mass of men, of the cohorts of common labor, was not its ideal or excuse. Profit, income, uncontrolled power in My Business for My Property and for Me this was the aim and method of the new monarchial dictatorship that displaced democracy in the United States in 1876. Property control especially of land and labor had always dominated politics in the South, and after the war, it set itself to put labor to work at a wage approximating as nearly as possible slavery conditions, in order to restore capital lost in the war. Into this situation, Northern capital projected itself through the agency of the so-called carpetbagger. He tried to establish wide systems of transportation and to exploit new raw materials. His efforts involved the same overthrow of old standards of honesty and integrity prevalent in the North, and this was emphasized in the South by the post-war bitterness and war losses of capital. The orgy of graft, dishonesty and theft, North and South, was of the same pattern and involved the same sorts of people: those scrambling to share in the distribution of new goods and services which the new industry in the North and the restoration of the old agriculture in the South poured out, and those trying to get legal titles to the new forms of property and income which were arising. The South, however, had two peculiar elements: a capitalist class deprived of most of its capital except land; and a new class of free black labor with the right to vote. But Southern labor was thinking in terms of land and crops and the old forms of wealth, and was but dimly conscious new industry and the new wealth. The landholder, therefore, in the South, was caught in a curious vise: impoverished by the war, he found labor in control of the remaining parts of his wealth and determined to distribute it for the uplift of the mass of men. He found carpetbaggers encouraging this by yielding to the political power of laborers, and manipulating that power so as to put into the hands of carpetbaggers the new wealth arising from corporations, railroads, and industries. He found the carpetbagger trying to raise the capital necessary for new investment through spending money borrowed by the state, and thus increasing the taxation on him which already new social legislation on behalf of the laborers had increased. The result was that a scramble ensued in the South as mad of the as that in the North, but different, It had been insistently that the the South: (1) that Negro could not really be educated, being congenitally inferior; (3) that if political power were given to result virtually in the overthrow of civilization. Slowly but certainly the tremendous losses brought on by the Civil War were restored, and restoration, as compared with other great wars, was comparatively rapid. By 1870, the Cotton Kingdom was reestablished, and by 1875, the South knew that with cheap labor and freedom from government control, it was posresults failed to sible for individuals to reap large profit in the old agriculture and in new industry. The cotton crop, for instance, which was 2,469,093 in 1850 and leaped to the high mark of 5,387,052 in i860, dropped to 3,011,996 in 1870, but had surpassed by 1880 the high mark of i860 by reaching 5,755,359 bales twelve and fourteen million bales. The sugar production did not recover as quickly, but its decline began before the war.

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After cocoon construction the boxes were left open inside a translucent plastic box gastritis ulcer diet discount 20mg omeprazole visa, stored in the mobile trailer lab at Berkeley through the summer gastritis on x ray purchase omeprazole 20 mg line. In October they were moved to the outdoor cage, but no development resulted after the first winter. In 1981-82 the material was again exposed to winter in the cage, and one male emerged between 24 February and 24 March, 1982. Other individuals were unsuccessful in pupation, succumbing either to disease or desiccation prior to or after cocoon construction. The foodplant, an annual Phacelia, was discovered in 1977, and the one specimen reared spent two years in diapause. A few Ethmia larvae were found feeding externally on Phacelia crenulata (Hydrophyllaceae) at Zzyzx Springs, near Baker, San Ber¬ nardino Co. It was stored in a transparent plastic bag in the mobile trailer lab through summer and fall, then in an outdoor cage at Berkeley during late winter and spring, 1978, but diapause develop¬ ment did not occur. The cocoon was again placed in the cage for the 1978-79 winter until mid-February, then in the mobile lab. The 1978-79 winter was appreciably colder than the preced¬ ing year at Berkeley, 190 heating day degrees greater (based on 18. A, B Larvae that proved to be two undescribed species which are structur¬ ally and biologically similar to Ethmia geranella (B. Both species feed in spring, estivate as pupae, and fly in late fall, as do other members of the Macelhosiella Group. Eggs hibernate, presumably in diapause or a temperature-dependent quiesc¬ ence (Powell, 1973). In both Fresno County collections, some indi¬ viduals carried over to a second or subsequent autumn; however the pattern was quite different between the two species, even though they were reared and held over winter in identical conditions. The adult is a whitish moth with faint ochreous along the discal cell, and it differs from other western species of the group by lacking a hind wing costal penicillus in the male. Larvae were placed in translucent plastic vials and cardboard pill boxes, 1 or 2 per contain¬ er, with folded tissue and small blocks of yucca scape pith, into which they burrowed for cocoon construction. Others were confined in trans¬ lucent plastic bags with paper toweling and hostplant material. They were stored in the mobile trailer lab at Berkeley for the remainder of spring and early summer; in late July about half the containers were moved to the Russell insectary, while the remainder were placed in the outdoor cage at Berkeley in September. The carryover cocoons were exposed to winter conditions at Russell during January - April, 1976, and subsequently were retained in the outdoor cage at Berkeley. Two adults completed development in October, 1976, and 13 others developed but were trapped in the cocoons and unable to distend the wings, probably in the first season. Larvae of Species A (78D12) became diseased and most were preserved for taxonomic study; 7 were retained in translu¬ cent plastic boxes with paper toweling and yucca blocks in the mobile trailer lab. Thus 29 of 34 successful emergences (85%) of Species A occurred during the first fall after larval feeding, while the remainder developed one year later. B: the larva is irregularly mottled, predominately gray, with longitudinal bands of orange dorsally and laterally, resembling that of E. The adult is dark gray; the forewing has a trace of ochreous and a variable black line along the discal crease and a whitish dot at the end of the discal cell, and the male hind wing has a costal penicillus. Larvae of Species B were mixed with those of Species A in the field at Jocalitos Canyon in March, 1975, but were outnumbered ca. I could not detect a spatial differentiation on the plants; both fed within the scorpioid floral spikes. In the lab, larvae were segregated by color and handled in the same rearing conditions as outlined for Species A. In marked contrast to the preceding species, no individuals of Species B completed development in 1975. Instead, all 4 moths that meta¬ morphosed did so after carrying over, two in early November, 1976, and one each in November 1978 and 1979. The same diapause behavior obtained in the April 1978 collection at Jocalitos Canyon: about a dozen larvae were confined, of which none developed in 1978, 2 moths emerged in October 1979, none the following year, and 2 more in October, 1981, after 42 months in diapause. I visited the Jocalitos Canyon site on 21 March 1977, following two drought years in California, and found the spring vegetation dry; there had been essentially no germination of annuals.

To men like Charles Sumner gastritis diet quick purchase omeprazole 40mg amex, the future of democracy in America depended on bringing the Southern revolution to a successful close by accomplishing two things the making of the black freedmen really free gastritis symptoms patient.co.uk purchase discount omeprazole on line, and the sweeping away of the animosities due to the war. What liberalism did not understand was that such a revolution was economic and involved force. Those who against the public weal have power cannot be expected to yield save to superior power. The North used its power in the Civil War to break the political power of the slave barons. During and after the war, it united its force with that of the workers to uproot the still vast economic power of the planters. But Charles Sumner did not realize, and that other Charles Karl Marx had not yet published Das Kapital to prove to men that economic power underlies politics. They did not know that when they let the dictatorship of labor be overthrown in the South they surrendered the hope of democracy in America for all men. Doggedly to the end of his days and with his dying breath Charles Sumner he had strove for his peaceful revolutionary ideal. He was unsuccessful, and not only register army War battles taken from the He introduced the matter in that, he was publicly censured by his own Massachusetts legislature. The present bill was aimed at the South, and Sumner proposed to secure equaland churches colored people and prohibit discrimination against them in railroads, theaters, hotels, schools, cemeteries jurors. Finally, he sought to make the pressure for reconciliation with the South a part of his movement for civil rights. He therefore moved his civil rights bill as an amendment to the amnesty bill which had been passed in the House. Gladly would I reach out the olive branch; but I know no way in which that can be done unless you begin by justice to the colored race. After the Christmas recess, Sumner made one an act of justice, his final appeal: "I make this appeal also for the sake of peace, so an end of slavery, and the rights of the citizen shall be everywhere under the equal safeguard of national law. There is true grandeur making the rights of all the same as our own, and beating down prejudice, like Satan, under our feet. Humbly do I pray that the republic may not lose this great prize, or postpone its enjoyment. Their attitude toward the abolition-democracy was plainly expressed in 1876 by Henry Cooke, brother of Jay Cooke, the great banker: "You know how I have felt for a long time in regard to the course of the ultra-infidelic radicals like Wade, Sumner, Stevens et id omne genus. These reckless demagogues have had their day and the time has come for wiser counsel. With Wade uttering agrarian doctrines in Kansas and fanning the flames of vulgar prejudices, trying to array labor against capital and pandering to the basest passions; with Butler urging wholesale conscription throughout the South and wholesale repudiation throughout the North with Stevens advowith cating the idea of a flood of irredeemable paper money Pomeroy and Wade and Sprague and a host of others clamoring for the unsexing of woman, [the load] was too heavy for any party to . Sumner pushed the bill throughout the session, but despite his efforts the bill failed. Another bill came from the House three months later but was lost by a Senate vote. Just after that, Sumner again sought to attach his civil rights proviso to the amnesty a single vote. On the first day of the new Congress, December, 1873, Sumner pressed two measures: a national civil rights bill and a bill for equal rights in the schools of the District of Columbia. He lost in the committee of the whole He placed the civil rights bill on the by He traced, in debate, the history of the civil rights his last appeal. The bill bill from 1870 to 1874, when he made was not reported until after his death and then Senator Frelinghuysen said: "Would that the author of the measure were here to present and defend it! Sumner passed before the effect of the new alignment of big business on the Southern situation was clear. He was taken ill in March, 1874; at his death-bed stood three Negroes: Frederick Douglass, George T. Frederick Douglass led his funeral procession and colored soldiers guarded his body at the State House in Boston.