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I also happened to hear and read a great deal about the still more marked gregarious instincts of the llama; but the social animal into whose psychology I am conscious of having penetrated most thoroughly is the ox of the wild parts of western South Africa hypertension 2 torrent cheap lasix 100 mg line. It is necessary to insist upon the epithet "wild heart attack feat thea austin discount 40mg lasix," because an ox of tamed parentage has different natural instincts; for instance, an English ox is far less gregarious than those I am about to describe, and affords a proportionately less valuable illustration to my argument. The oxen of which I speak belonged to the Damaras, and none of the ancestry of these cattle had ever been broken to harness. They were watched from a distance during the day, as they roamed about the open country, and at night they were driven with cries to enclosures, into which they rushed much like a body of terrified wild animals driven by huntsmen into a trap. Their scared temper was such as to make it impossible to lay hold of them by other means than by driving the whole herd into a clump, and lassoing the leg of the animal it was desired to seize, and throwing him to the ground with dexterous force. With oxen and cows of this description, whose nature is no doubt shared by the bulls, I spent more than a year in the closest companionship. I travelled an entire journey of exploration on the back of one of them, with others by my side, either labouring at their tasks or walking at leisure; and with others again who were wholly unbroken, and who served the purpose of an itinerant larder. At night, when there had been no time to erect an enclosure to hold them, I lay down in their midst, and it was interesting to observe how readily they then availed themselves of the neighbourhood of the camp fire and of man, conscious of the protection they afforded from prowling carnivora, whose cries and roars, now distant, now near, continually broke upon the stillness. These opportunities of studying the disposition of such peculiar cattle were not wasted upon me. I had only too much leisure to think about them, and the habits of the animals strongly attracted my curiosity. The better I understood them, the more complex and worthy of study did their minds appear to be. But I am now concerned only with their blind gregarious instincts, which are conspicuously distinct from the ordinary social desires. In the latter they are deficient; thus they are not amiable to one another, but show on the whole more expressions of spite and disgust than of forbearance or fondness. They do not suffer from an ennui, which society can remove, because their coarse feeding and their ruminant habits make them somewhat stolid. Neither can they love society, as monkeys do, for the opportunities it affords of a fuller and more varied life, because they remain self-absorbed in the middle of their herd, while the monkeys revel together in frolics, scrambles, fights, loves, and chatterings. Yet although the ox has so little affection for, or individual interest in, his fellows, he cannot endure even a momentary severance from his herd. If he be separated from it by stratagem or force, he exhibits every sign of mental agony; he strives with all his might to get back again, and when he succeeds, he plunges into its middle to bathe his whole body with the comfort of closest companionship. This passionate terror at segregation is a convenience to the herdsman, who may rest assured in the darkness or in the mist that the whole herd is safe whenever he can get a glimpse of a single ox. The traveller finds great difficulty in procuring animals capable of acting the part of fore-oxen to his team, the ordinary members of the wild herd being wholly unfitted by nature to move in so prominent and isolated a position, even though, as is the custom, a boy is always in front to persuade or pull them onwards. Therefore, a good fore-ox is an animal of an exceptionally independent disposition. The other cattle may be indifferently devoted to ordinary harness purposes, or to slaughter; but the born leaders are far too rare to be used for any less distinguished service than that which they alone are capable of fulfilling. But a still more exceptional degree of merit may sometimes be met with among the many thousands of Damara cattle. It is possible to find an ox who may be ridden, not indeed as freely as a horse, for I have never heard of a feat like that, but at all events wholly apart from the companionship of others; and an accomplished rider will even succeed in urging him out at a trot from the very middle of his fellows. With respect to the negative side of the scale, though I do not recollect definite instances, I can recall general impressions of oxen showing a deficiency from the average ox standard of self-reliance, about equal to the excess of that quality found in ordinary fore-oxen. Thus I recollect there were some cattle of a peculiarly centripetal instinct, who ran more madly than the rest into the middle of the herd when they were frightened; and I have no reason to doubt from general recollections that the law of deviation from an average would be as applicable to independence of character among cattle as one might expect it theoretically to be. The conclusion to which we are driven is, that few of the Damara cattle have enough originality and independence of disposition to pass unaided through their daily risks in a 50 galton. They are essentially slavish, and seek no better lot than to be led by any one of their number who has enough selfreliance to accept that position. No ox ever dares to act contrary to the rest of the herd, but he accepts their common determination as an authority binding on his conscience.

I recognize that the struggle for justice is larger than any one group hypertension differential diagnosis cheap lasix 100mg free shipping, individual high blood pressure medication quinapril cheap lasix 40 mg line, or social movement. For me, social injustice is a collective problem that requires a collective solution. When it comes to my work, the only thing that is essential is that it contribute toward this end. Acknowledgments Writing this book was a collaborative effort, and I would like to thank those most essential to its completion. For the three years that it took me to write the first edition, my husband, Roger L. During that time we all ate far too much fast food and certainly did not reside in a spotless house. I also wish to thank those individuals who could not be with me while I produced this volume but whose contributions are reflected on every page. They include my aunts, Mildred Walker, Marjorie Edwards, and Bertha Henry; teachers, friends, and othermothers who helped me along the way, Pauli Murray, Consuelo, Eloise "Muff" Smith, and Deborah Lewis; and countless Black women ancestors, both famous and anonymous, whose struggles created the foundation that nurtured me. Often when I became discouraged, I thought of her and told myself that if she could persist despite the obstacles that she faced, then so could I. Many of my colleagues listened to partially articulated ideas, read earlier drafts of chapters, and generally offered the encouragement and intellectual stimulation that enabled me to remain critical my own work yet persevere. Andersen, Elsa Barkley Brown, Lynn Weber Cannon, Bonnie Thornton Dill, Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, Evelyn Nakano Glenn, Sandra Harding, Deborah K. I am especially indebted to the Center for Research on Women at Memphis State Univerity for providing resources, ideas, and overall assistance. Also, I am deeply grateful to Elizabeth Higginbotham and Rosemarie Tong for reading this manuscript in its entirety and offering helpful suggestions. I also thank June Jordan and South End Press for On Call, 1985, and Marilyn Richardson and Indiana University Press for Maria W. This book takes materials from Drylongso, A Self-Portrait of Black America, by John Langston Gwaltney, copyright 1980 by John Langston Gwaltney, reprinted by permission of Random House, Inc. Marks Music Company, copyright renewed, used by permission, all rights reserved; and "Respect," lyrics and music by Otis Redding, copyright 1965 and 1967 by Irving Music, Inc. One special person participated in virtually every phase of the first edition of this project. As a research assistant, she prepared literature reviews, read and commented on chapter drafts, and skillfully located even the most obscure materials. During our many long conversations, she patiently listened to my ideas, bravely shared parts of her life that profoundly influenced my thinking, and in many unspoken ways told me on a daily basis how important it was that I keep going. Dickerson, an emerging Black feminist intellectual, a future colleague, and always a solid sister-friend. The Charles Phelps Taft fund at the University of Cincinnati also made an important contribution to this project. The research budget that accompanied my being named Charles Phelps Taft Professor of Sociology funded part of the expenses incurred in final manuscript preparation. My students at the University of Cincinnati were also important in helping me complete this project. The undergraduate majors in the Department of AfricanAmerican Studies proved to be invaluable in helping me clarify arguments concerning power that became important in the second edition. Heidi Freund, my editor at Routledge, who politely yet persistently kept asking me to do this revision until I finally agreed to do it, deserves special credit. Also, I thank Shea Settimi, Anthony Mancini, and other members of the staff at Routledge for making the production process so positive for me. These trips enabled me to work through the ideas in the second edition with diverse audiences. Whereas the list of colleagues and new friends that I met during these visits is too long to list, I appreciate all of the ideas that people shared with me. I especially thank the students, parents, poets, high school teachers, activists, and ministers whom I met on my trips. Stewart asked,"How long shall the fair daughters of Africa be compelled to bury their minds and talents beneath a load of iron pots and kettles

For African-American women heart attack 10 hours 100mg lasix mastercard, critical social theory encompasses bodies of knowledge and sets of institutional practices that actively grapple with the central questions facing U arteriogram definition order lasix no prescription. The need for such thought arises because African-American women as a group remain oppressed within a U. This neither means that all African-American women within that group are oppressed in the same way, nor that some U. Every social group has a constantly evolving worldview that it uses to order and evaluate its own experiences (Sobel 1979). For African-Americans this worldview originated in the cosmologies of diverse West African ethnic groups (Diop 1974). By retaining and reworking significant elements of these West African cultures, communities of enslaved Africans offered their members explanations for slavery alternative to those advanced by slave owners (Gutman 1976; Webber 1978; Sobel 1979). These African-derived ideas also laid the foundation for the rules of a distinctive Black American civil society. Later on, confining African-Americans to all-Black areas in the rural South and Northern urban ghettos fostered the solidification of a distinctive ethos in Black civil society regarding language (Smitherman 1977), religion (Sobel 1979; Paris 1995), family structure (Sudarkasa 1981b), and community politics (Brown 1994). Blacks as a group and expressed differently by individual African-Americans, these knowledges remained simultaneously hidden from and suppressed by Whites. Black oppositional knowledges existed to resist injustice, but they also remained subjugated. As mothers, othermothers, teachers, and churchwomen in essentially allBlack rural communities and urban neighborhoods, U. Black women participated in constructing and reconstructing these oppositional knowledges. Through the lived experiences gained within their extended families and communities, individual African-American women fashioned their own ideas about the meaning of Black womanhood. These self-definitions of Black womanhood were designed to resist the negative controlling images of Black womanhood advanced by Whites as well as the discriminatory social practices that these controlling images supported. Domestic work allowed African-American women to see White elites, both actual and aspiring, from perspectives largely obscured from Black men and from these groups themselves. In their White "families," Black women not only performed domestic duties but frequently formed strong ties with the children they nurtured, and with the employers themselves. Accounts of Black domestic workers stress the sense of self-affirmation the women experienced at seeing racist ideology demystified. But on another level these Black women knew that they could never belong to their White "families. Nancy White, a Black inner-city resident, explores the connection between experience and beliefs: Now, I understand all these things from living. Practices such as these, whether experienced oneself or learned by listening to African-American women who have had them, have encouraged many U. Black women to question the contradictions between dominant ideologies of American womanhood and U. If women are allegedly passive and fragile, then why are Black women treated as "mules" and assigned heavy cleaning chores Black women on public assistance forced to find jobs and leave their children in day care Black women to generate a more specialized knowledge, namely, Black feminist thought as critical social theory. Black women were profoundly reformist while more radical thinkers bordered on the revolutionary-African-American women intellectuals who were nurtured in social conditions of racial segregation strove to develop Black feminist thought as critical social theory. Black women, all were in some way affected by intersecting oppressions of race, gender, and class. At the same time, these same social conditions simultaneously stimulated distinctive patterns of U. Black women intellectuals have found themselves in outsider-within positions in many academic endeavors (Hull et al.

Thus arrhythmia associates of south texas purchase lasix 40 mg on-line, an important feature of the hegemonic domain of power lies in the need to continually refashion images in order to solicit support for the U blood pressure chart metric discount 40 mg lasix with amex. Not just elite group support, but the endorsement of subordinated groups is needed for hegemonic ideologies to function smoothly. Regardless of their placement in social hierarchies, other groups also encounter these pressures. For example, White women are told that they become "race traitors" if they date Black men, a stigma that in effect asks them to calculate whether the gain of an interracial relationship is worth the loss of White privilege. Yet until the category of "Whiteness" is expanded to reclassify Asians as "White," becoming a "model minority" remains a hollow victory. The significance of the hegemonic domain of power lies in its ability to shape consciousness via the manipulation of ideas, images, symbols, and ideologies. Reversing this process whereby intersecting oppressions harness various dimensions of individual subjectivity for their own ends becomes a central purpose of resistance. Thus, the hegemonic domain becomes a critical site for not just fending off hegemonic ideas from dominant culture, but in crafting counter-hegemonic knowledge that fosters changed consciousness. By emphasizing the power of self-definition and the necessity of a free mind, Black feminist thought speaks to the importance that African-American women thinkers place on consciousness as a sphere of freedom. Rather than viewing consciousness as a fixed entity, a more useful approach sees it as continually evolving and negotiated. Based on their personal histories, individuals experience and resist domination differently. Each individual has a unique and continually evolving personal biography made up of concrete experiences, values, motivations, and emotions. No two individuals occupy the same social space; thus no two biographies are identical. The same situation can look quite different depending on the consciousness one brings to interpret it. The cultural context formed by those experiences and ideas that are shared with other members of a group or community give meaning to individual biographies. Each individual biography is rooted in several overlapping cultural contexts-for example, groups defined by race, social class, age, gender, religion, and sexual orientation. The most cohesive cultural contexts are those with identifiable histories, geographic locations, and social institutions. Some can be so tightly interwoven that they appear to be one cultural context, the situation of traditional societies with customs that are carried on across generations, or that of protracted racial segregation in the United States where Blacks saw a unity of interests that necessarily suppressed internal differences within the category "Black. For example, adhering to externally derived standards of beauty leads many African-American women to dislike their skin color or hair texture. Similarly, internalizing prevailing gender ideology leads some Black men to abuse Black women. These are cases of the successful infusion of dominant ideologies into the everyday cultural context of AfricanAmericans. In their efforts to rearticulate the standpoint of African-American women as a group, Black feminist thinkers potentially offer individual African-American women the conceptual tools to resist oppression. Coming to recognize that one need not believe everything one is told and taught is freeing for many Black women. Thus, the second dimension of empowerment within the hegemonic domain of power consists of constructing new knowledge. In this regard, the core themes, interpretive frameworks, and epistemological approaches of Black feminist thought can be highly empowering because they provide alternatives to the way things are supposed to be. Black women solely as passive, unfortunate recipients of abuse stifles notions that Black women can actively work to change our circumstances and bring about changes in our lives. Similarly, presenting African-American women solely as heroic figures who easily engage in resisting oppression on all fronts minimizes the very real costs of oppression and can foster the perception that Black women need no help because we can "take it. As a result, suggests Audre Lorde, "the true focus of revolutionary change is never merely the oppressive situations which we seek to escape, but that piece of the oppressor which is planted deep within each of us" (1984, 123). Or as Toni Cade Bambara succinctly states, "Revolution begins with the self, in the self" (1970a, 109). Thus White feminists routinely point with confidence to their oppression as women but resist seeing how much their White skin privileges them.

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